During his press conference on January 16, Emmanuel Macron presented the government's measures for its "demographic rearmament." By borrowing language from warlike and ultra-conservative discourse, the President provoked incomprehension and indignation among many feminist activists and associations. Equipop joins in these reactions: women's bodies must not be exploited in the service of the nation or a war effort, either literally or figuratively. It is the rights of each individual and the pursuit of gender equality that must motivate public action.
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Anti-feminist rhetoric that echoes the most conservative heads of state
[vc_empty_space height= »20 px »]How can we not see Emmanuel Macron's words as exploiting women's bodies, and by extension children's bodies—for pensions, for the economy... for war? Encouraging women to bear children to contribute to a "war effort" not only reduces them to a procreative function, but also strips them of any agency in the decision to have children, since this action would be in the interest of the nation and not their own. This semantics is all the more worrying as it borrows elements of language from the most conservative heads of state, particularly in Hungary. It is also a lexicon used by masculinist groups and far-right movements, according to which the West needs to be "repopulated," preferably with white men, in the face of a supposed "civilizational decline" (see the Equipop report Equipop report on masculinist discourse). Emmanuel Macron may not be familiar with feminist analysis, but he cannot ignore the fact that he is using these terms in a context where the racist concept of "great replacement" has gained visibility in France. In addition to being problematic in principle, this type of public policy focused on the stated goal of "boosting the birth rate" does not work. Countries such as Japan and Poland have tried it, to no avail. Infertility is indeed a public health issue. But it has long been reduced to "female infertility," when sperm production disorders, for example, can also be a factor. There are, of course, well-known medical causes, but these continue to be underdiagnosed and poorly treated, precisely because they affect women, such as endometriosis and polycystic ovary syndrome. Environmental factors, pollutants, pesticides, and endocrine disruptors are also blamed.
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The burden of social and gender inequalities
[vc_empty_space height= »20 px »]However, the decline in birth rates cannot be attributed solely to medical causes. Many factors come into play, both in terms of the desire to have children and in terms of actually fulfilling that desire. We are now faced with a paradox: never before have so many people been able, in theory, to plan for parenthood (access to assisted reproductive technology for lesbian couples and heterosexual women, egg freezing, etc.), and yet the birth rate is falling. We must therefore look elsewhere for the reasons: at the conditions for realizing this project, early childhood policies, the failure to take the ecological crisis into account, waiting times for ART, persistent discrimination and stigmatization of homosexual couples and single women who wish to have children—in short, all those who do not fit into the traditional heteronormative family model. Countries with higher fertility rates, such as those in Northern Europe, are also those where parental leave is longest and best paid, and where public policies on work-life balance and fatherhood are most advanced. The "birth leave" announced by Emmanuel Macron is a step in the right direction, but shortening its duration could cause difficulties for couples who are unable to find childcare for their young children within the allotted time, thereby widening inequalities.
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A multidisciplinary—and feminist—approach is needed
[vc_empty_space height= »20 px »]Above all, is the decline in birth rates a problem in itself? Should it guide public action? Political decision-making should be motivated by individual rights. Rather than a "plan to boost the birth rate," we need to give ourselves the means to implement the objectives set in terms of sexual and reproductive rights and health, and to promote proactive public policies on gender equality. The goal is not to increase the birth rate, but to give individuals the conditions they need to plan for a stable, fair, and healthy future and make their own choices. The report on combating infertility submitted to the government was conducted almost exclusively by doctors. The recommendations proposed do not include social measures, highlighting the need for a multidisciplinary approach to these issues, bringing together doctors, feminist researchers, and youth, women's, and parents' associations. French feminist associations have been calling for decades for young people to be better informed about sexual and reproductive health.
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In conclusion: sexual and reproductive rights for all!
[vc_empty_space height= »20 px »]This is not the first time that demographic issues have been part of Emmanuel Macron's rhetoric. The president had already raised this issue in 2017, in paternalistic terms that provoked outrage among many feminists. Since then, it seemed that the issues were better understood. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs had adopted a more equitable approach, based on human rights, leading to the launch this year of a new international strategy on sexual and reproductive rights and health. The resurgence of this topic in the national debate must be viewed in the context of France's international action. Just as the government's action should not be guided solely by a desire to boost the birth rate in France, so too should it not pursue the goal of limiting fertility rates in "southern" countries at the international level. A comprehensive approach to SRHR is needed, as a continuum of sexual and reproductive health rights, care, and services, accompanied by social protection measures and ambitious policies on gender equality.
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